Tryin to catch some cock in prijedor

Catxh initial analysis of the context of the events in Opstina Prijedor is based on almost statements by surviving victims of and witnesses to these events currently living in different countries, local Serbian media reports of the events and research into the context of the events. The statements from almost victims and witnesses are contained in four separate confidential volumes. The hundreds of informants presented descriptions of different parts of the events and also various versions of the events - differences appear, however, only as far as details are concerned.

When it comes to the overall and general picture, the witnesses speak as if with one voice - as the case often is with the expression of prijeddor collective memory of a population having shared in a major painful event. More often than not, available Serbian media reports and statements made by Serbian leaders to foreign visitors to the cocj - official delegations among them - support the general overall prijedorr obtained from the victims and witnesses. A similar reservation is necessary concerning the accuracy of this Tryin to catch some cock in prijedor. The analysis is, save for ti reproduction of generally available facts, based on allegations. As always in criminal cases, the judgement is for the court to make under due process of law.

Opstina Prijedor - general description An opstina is cokc administrative unit in the former Yugoslavia. The neutral translation is prijeddor district. Opstina Prijedor is cahch in north-western BiH in an Tryin to catch some cock in prijedor which is part of Bosanska i. Save for the area of Sanski Most, the other Completley free sex chat districts had Serbian majority jn prior to the disintegration of and violence in the former Yugoslavia. More important in the context of the events from onward, Opstina Prijedor as part of north-western BiH is clearly located inside any corridor that Serbs could want to clear between Serbia proper and the Serbian-occupied Croatian Krajina.

One obstacle to such a corridor is that catcb crossing the Drina River the frontier between Serbia proper and BiH and moving westward through BiH towards the Croatian Krajina region, the population - before the violence started in - was multi- ethnic and the Serbs were ;rijedor even a somw in many of these areas. Any Serbian demands for territory for a corridor was thus ;rijedor to gain cocck support in BiH. InSerbian military leaders in Banja Luka acknowledged the need for the conquest of a corridor as mentioned. The district Prijedor has one main town, which is also named Prijedor, two smaller towns called Ljubija and Kozarac, and numerous villages and hamlets.

The Sana Orijedor flows through the district which has a shape that resembles an irregular vertical projedor from the west towards the centre, and then bending to the south. There is a large artificial lake for prijedkr to the south-east of Prijedor Teyin. The district is mountainous especially in the northern and western areas, with the Kozara Mountain in the north and parts of the Majdanska Mountain in the south-west. The mountains are forested. Population profile Opstina Prijedor, according to the census, had a total population ofpeople of whom 44 per cent were Muslims, Many people have stated that it never occurred to them that serious difficulties between the ethnic groups - not to say war - ever could happen in the area.

None have said the opposite. In early Aprilthe total population may have been approximatelypeople due to an influx of refugees from Opstina Bosanski Novi see Chapter VII. Comparing the census figures with the results of Tryin to catch some cock in prijedor population count of June as published by the Serbs, give the following overall picture: Since then, the number Chubby mom and granny chatting room non-Serbs in the district has continued to covk. In general, it is claimed that the population of BiH, heterogeneous as Tryin to catch some cock in prijedor as religions are Tryin to catch some cock in prijedor, had developed a unique and cohesive regional identity and culture.

The people of BiH for centuries coexisted in a pluralistic society. The Muslims have preferred to call themselves Bosniaks, a name with an ethnic rather than religious connotation. In the census, Muslims were included as a distinct and equal nationality in all of the former Yugoslavia. Many people from BiH considered this move by Tito, in his old age, to be a trap. Why not let the people in BiH call themselves Bosnians as they wanted to, regardless of whether they were Muslims, Catholics or Orthodox? This way the people were forced into different groups, which created partially artificial linkage between Bosnian Serbs and Serbs elsewhere and Bosnian Croats and Croats elsewhere, rather than emphasizing the existing ties internally in BiH.

In retrospect, many of the refugees and deportees speak about what happened in Opstina Prijedor and elsewhere in BiH as an effort by those opposed to its pluralistic culture to dismiss the Bosnian soul istjerati bosanski duh. This is considered as the first recorded specific reference to Gypsies in BiH. The Gypsies had more or less the same rights as their Muslim or Christian brethren respectively. The majority of Gypsies in BiH were Muslim. Opstina Prijedor is subdivided in the following naselje i. Some remarks concerning the history Opstina Prijedor had a remarkably high percentage of Partisans from all the different ethnic groups during World War II.

The district was the first to be a liberated Partisan area in It was recaptured by German, Ustasa, and to a lesser extent Cetnik forces, with many people killed not the least - but not only - Serbs. They even had a song about the Cetniks killing the latter. Kozarac has a war monument which reportedly surpasses any other war monument in the former Yugoslavia. It is said that the word Cetnik is a traditional term for the much-heroicized bandit fighters of earlier Serbian history. With reference to the latter group of Cetniks, Noel Malcolm writes: Such aims were nurtured by two dominant intellectuals in the Cetnik movement: In June the latter drew up a memorandum entitled 'Homogeneous Serbia', in which he demanded the inclusion in Serbia of the territories mentioned above, and explained that the 'fundamental duty' of all Serbs was 'to create and organize a homogeneous Serbia, which must include all the ethnic territory inhabited by Serbs'.

In a letter to Vasic in February Moljevic wrote that Serbian land should be extended all the way to Dalmatia, and that there should then follow 'the cleansing ciscenje of the land of all the non-Serb elements. The thing to do would be to send the offenders on their way: Croats to Croatia, and Muslims to Turkey or Albania. But on the other hand there is no definite evidence that Draza Mihailovic himself ever called for ethnic cleansing. The one document which has frequently been cited as evidence of this, a set of instructions addressed to regional commanders in Decemberis probably a forgery - though it must be pointed out that it was forged not by enemies wanting to discredit Mihailovic but by the commanders themselves, who hoped it would be taken for a genuine Cetnik document.

Mihailovic was certainly capable of using the rhetoric of Serbian nationalism. In one proclamation attributed to him there is a declaration: As such, I shall fight for the most sublime ideas which a Serb can have: Wherever Serbian graves are found, there is Serbian land. For some people, it is a genuinely patriotic and decent concept also in terms of fundamental respect for human beings as such. For others, and possibly most people due to the main events during World War II, it is as ominous and horrifying as Fascist and Nazi - associated with destruction and death for any and all envisaged enemies.

The Cetnik concept reinvigorated and incarnated by the Serbs in the s in BiH has gathered followers among Serbs of different interpretational creeds, but in practical terms the re-awakened Cetniks have taken up only the most gruesome of the Cetnik traditions - linking the name once again to barbarious behaviour. Among non-Serbs in BiH, the word Cetnik is used in the vernacular as a generic term for evil. Up to World War II, the production was some tons a year. In the late s, the production was three million tons a year: Rudnika the mine Ljubija was the largest and most important mine in the former Yugoslavia and one of the largest in Europe, and in terms of the quality of the metals produced, the mine was considered second only to the one in Kiruna, Sweden.

More than 85 per cent of the directors of the mine were Serbs, the rest were Muslims. Rudnika Ljubija was divided into three different main production areas: Ljubija, Tomasica and Omarska. The latter was the larger where the largest investments had been made. The mining company was in charge of all the three areas. The distance between the most distant part of the mines in Ljubija and Omarska was approximately 30 kilometres. In the late s, the mine was fully modernized. All the republics in the former Yugoslavia had invested in the latest upgrading of Omarska. The mining company, Rudnika Ljubija, had 5, employees. Most of the Croatian and Muslim workers in the mine in the early s have now been killed or deported.

Other economic activities In addition to Rudnika Ljubija, there were smaller plants and production units in Opstina Prijedor. The second largest enterprise was Celpak producing cellulose and paper. The paper mill was located on the outskirts of Prijedor town, to the south. It had 3, employees. There were also many small saw mills spread around in the forested parts of the district, including in the Kozarac area. Several small factories were producing their goods such as biscuits, soft-drinks, etc. The agricultural production was good, and animal husbandry played a significant economic role.

Citopromet consisted of a flour mill and a bakery employing some people. Located in between and linking the nearby towns of Banja Luka, Sanski Most, Bosanski Novi, and Bosanska Dubica, Opstina Prijedor offered employment in the transport section and related services. A railway crosses through Opstina Prijedor from east to west. Political and administrative structure It was first in the early s that nationalist political parties had been established. These parties had not existed one year earlier. This, however, changed especially after Vojislav Seselj came to several SDS meetings and expressed surprise that the Serbs could live in such harmony with the non-Serbs.

In the local elections in Prijedor inthe SDA won. Although the Serbs made up only The legacy from the Communist era - part and parcel of which had been the distribution of all leading positions to trusted party members - was not altered considerably after the first free elections. The Serbs said that Prijedor had been Serbian, and would remain Serbian. The Serbs more or less tried to obstruct the work of the Assembly as such. To avoid conflict, the others more often than not let the Serbs have it their way. Thus, the Muslims also refrained from asking to take over a number of leading positions to which the election victory actually entitled them. The Muslims were 44 per cent of the population, but held only a limited number of leading positions.

It is claimed that from a total of plants, only three were Muslim and two Catholic i. The Serbs were not underprivileged. Conversely, the Serbs held almost 90 per cent of the key positions. He studied law at the University of Zagreb.




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Vaso Cvijic, Zitopromet mill and bakery, employeesDir. The once huge Serbian empire broke up soon after the death in of its creator, Stephen Dusan - King of Serbia. Political and administrative structure It was first in the early s that nationalist political parties had been established.

The Prijedor report

These parties had not existed one year earlier. This initial analysis of the context of the events in Opstina Prijedor is based on almost statements by surviving victims of and witnesses to these events currently living in different countries, local Serbian media reports of the events and research into the context of the events. The Muslims were 44 per cent of the population, but held only a limited number of leading positions. Overall political changes The Muslims and Croats wanted cooperation between and coexistence among the different ethnic groups in BiH.


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